Personal Perspective of Managing Change Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Personal Perspective of Managing Change - Essay Example The other challenge is in the environment that holds numerous alterations to provide the necessary comfort. Without an organized plan and schedule to predict these changes, the management of the organization may suffer the fate of failing to develop their mission and generate the needed development. However, with the desire to develop positive progress and create the virtues that help the subordinates create success, the management may articulate the positive measures to relay their information to complete the set goals. The social relationships within the society may also be extended to the relations within the work place to accord the tough challenge of discerning diversity. The norm presented is a constantly changing environment and the stable mission and objective of the organization. The challenge is also extended in presenting the needed steps that would oversee these missions and objectives delivered in the right proportion. Changes within the organization are diverse and affe cted by numerous environmental presentations. The organization holds individuals that bear distinguished beliefs and experiences. The diversity is also presented in the mode of completing tasks and the relation to external subjections. The skilled group of qualified personnel that are invited to engage in the task completion determines the composition of the organization. The changes witnessed in the organizational setting are affected by the nature of the result that is possessed in the procedure. The norms held by the individuals are considered to affect the witnessed changes in the organization. The set up within the organization are determined by the values established and the principles held in the members. When the change to be created affects the values and beliefs of the members, the results may be damaging to the organization and inhibit progress. The set principles and guidelines established are extended to be projected in future organizational setting that defines the org anization. The ideology to preset the necessary implements to maintain the scope of change within the organizational setting promotes development. Once the organization identifies the possibility of experiencing changes within the organization, the reaction needs to be placed on the adequate managerial style that has the capability to maintain the performance level. The changes experienced in the organizational setting may affect the results presented in task completion. The results are varied with the consideration issued in predicting the cause of the changes. They may be from the organizational structure or the accumulated experiences from the members that constitute the organization. Management of these changes has been realized to contribute to the positive outcome needed to provide a positive direction to mission completion. The majority of the attempts to manage the witnessed changes present tasking procedures that may not be productive. The solution presented is the study of the change management procedure that issued the right directive in arranging values that hold the needed key for progress. The images of change management are the key factor applied by the manager to offer a positive platform that abets successful outcomes. The manager needs to

Marketing Report Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words - 1

Marketing Report - Assignment Example McDonalds is one of the leading fast food producing organizations across the globe. The organization is quite popular in Bahrain due to its products of high quality and introduction of differentiated fast food products. Beef Burger has been produced by McDonalds in Bahrain. The organization has gained huge popularity among the people of Bahrain due to the high quality aspect of Beef burger. This assignment will discuss about several marketing and branding aspects of McDonalds regarding its mentioned Beef burger. McDonald’s is one of the largest and leading fast food producing organizations across the globe. The organization has effectively implemented global business expansion strategy in business operation process. Bahrain is another country in which McDonalds has successfully adopted and implemented global expansion strategy. McDonalds has implemented the combination of cost leadership and product differentiation strategy in business operation process. It is true that, each and every leading multinational organization has implemented unique business level strategies in business operation process in order to gain potential competitive advantages. Similarly, the management of McDonalds has adopted and implemented the combination of product differentiation and cost leadership strategy in Bahrain in order to gain potential competitive advantages over its competitors in Bahrain fast food market. Implementation of cost leadership business level strategy has helped McDonalds in Bahrain to reduce the business operation cost in order to offer products in economic price level. It is true that recent financial crisis and economic slowdown has affected the purchasing power of people. Therefore, the cost leadership strategy has helped the organization to support the purchasing power of people in Bahrain (Parameswaram , 2006, p.95). On the other hand, demand for differentiated fast food products among the people of Bahrain is increasing significantly. Introduction of Beef

Damage Caused By Oil Spills Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Damage Caused By Oil Spills - Essay Example In terms of property damage, there are certain laws that have been enacted owing to which people can claim for damages caused by the negative approach or negligence. However, individual or business units often deny the claim against a particular damage. This can be apparently seen in the cases of LOVELACE v. FIGURE SALON, INC and NATIONAL CANDY WHOLESALERS, INC. v. CHIPURNOI, INC. In this particular case held in the Court of Appeals of Georgia, the plaintiffs i.e. Marilyn Lovelace and her husband prosecuted a fitness facilities business run by named My Fair Lady. The business provides fitness equipment to its clients with the aim of improving their health and fitness. However, Marilyn Lovelace got injured from the equipment provided by My Fair Lady. The business further denied from entertaining any of the claims of the plaintiff on the ground of the contract signed amid the two parties. The defendant claimed that the contract signed by the plaintiff clearly mentioned that the use of the equipment by the customers for any exercise is entirely at their own risk. Hence, the defendant denied entertaining any claim of the plaintiff on the aforementioned ground (Leagle, Inc. 2014). In this particular case, National Candy Wholesalers, Inc (NCW) had taken a particular space of Atlanta Civic Center for lease. The company further provided a portion of the lease space to manufacturers of candies to showcase their products among which Chipurnoi was also included.

Strategic analysis of Porsche AG Research Paper

Strategic analysis of Porsche AG - Research Paper Example analysis of the firm is provided aiming to indicate the policies that should be adopted by the firm in order to increase its competitiveness within its industry. Porsche is one of the key competitors in the automotive industry worldwide; the competition in the specific industry is extremely strong; however, the recession seems to have influenced the performance of the sector’s firms; in accordance with a relevant report certain firms, like Honda and Mazda, have standardized their profits, while others, like Chrysler and Toyota face severe financing or operational problems (BNET News, 2010). The firms that operate in this industry are likely to face five different ‘forces’- as indicating in the Porter’s five forces model in Figure 1- Appendix; these forces are: a) the customers – their preferences on expensive and advanced-technology cars are likely to continuously increased, b) the suppliers – certain materials required for the production of the firm’s products are unique, a fact increasing the power of the firm’s suppliers to bargain for increased prices, c) substitute products – cars with similar characteristics with those of the specific firm continuously appear in the market; the difference in their quality is the only element for ensuring the superiority of the firm towards its rivals, d) threat of new entrants; periodically, new firms enter the automotive industry, a fact that could threaten the firm under the terms that these firms’ products could reach the level of quality of the firm’s automobiles and e) the competition, which is likely to be continuously increased as each firm fights to standardize its performance securing its position in the automotive industry. At the next level, the survival of firms in the specific industry is depended on the following factors: a) the demands and the preferences of customers (in terms of quality of products but also of the time required for processing the customers’ orders/ availability of

Declaration Of Independence Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Declaration Of Independence - Essay Example What led Jefferson to prepare this document anyway? What did the document declare? This essay sets out to answer these two questions and to show that the Declaration of Independence was because of pressing international issues in 1776. This will be achieved by investigating the many imitations and documents that have spawned since 1790 and offering comparisons of how it was received in the past and at present in and beyond the U.S. This would eventually lead us to draw inferences regarding reflections on the afterlife of The Declaration of Independence and probe the modern conception of rights, both collective and individual. Discussion First, it would be beneficial to understand the just what the declaration declared before we can be able to show its international context. Jefferson’s Declaration of Independence announced the emergence of the U.S into the international scene. For starters, before the Declaration of Independence, the term â€Å"United States of America,† had not publicly been used anywhere. This is expressed explicitly in the opening paragraph of the document, which states that the states representatives were bringing forth the thoughts of mankind, the reasons why united people had made a choice to assume the equal and separate station among the powers of the earth to which God and Law of Nature entitle them. The phrase, â€Å"powers of the earth,† can be seen to signify other sovereign states, which can be considered as the Declaration addressing an immediate international audience. I was the intention of the U.S to join the other sovereign states I the world on an equal level as an â€Å"Independent and Free State,† with full powers to conclude peace, establish commerce, contract alliances, levy war, and to carry out all other things and acts which independent states had the right of doing (The Declaration of Independence as Adopted by Congress). That intention by the U.S announced tit option to join the internatio nal community of Free and Independent states instead of the British Empire. Therefore, we can assert that the Declaration of Independence was actually a declaration of interdependence. The primary intentions of the Declaration of Independence were to legitimize the civil within the British Empire and make it a lawful war between states. By declaring American colonists as outside of hi protection, George III had turned them into rebels. Therefore, there was a need for the rebels to transform themselves from rebels to legitimate colonists. International recognition for this cause and foreign support was thus imperative. This motivation for internationalization was made clear by Paine in 1776 via his argument that custom of nations required that America had to make a declaration of Independence before any European power would attempt to mediate peace between Great Britain and Americans. Obviously, Spain or France could not help any persons they considered as rebels against another mona rch. In addition, for Americans to be considered as reliable trading partners, they grievances needed to be put before foreign courts in a persuasive manner. According to Paine, this would be impossible without the Declaration of Independence, which would ensure that the U.S took rank with other nations (Paine). According to the records of the Continental Congress, there was a strong link between the demands of International Relations and the Declaration of Independence. A resolution was tabled in Congress by Richard Lee in 1776 declaring colonies independent and at the same time, urged Congress to put in place measures that would affect the formation of foreign Alliances. This resolution was consequently adopted by Congress announcing the

Modern Irony Essay Example for Free

Modern Irony Essay Since the beginning of time, man has attempted to unravel the seemingly infinite mysteries of life. The English playwright Tom Stoppard has written plays that address the existence of fate (or a predestined outcome for every human being) and controlling ones own destiny. His plays also deal with the many other uncertainties that arise during a normal persons life; such as sex, how we know things, etc. (Tom Stoppard) Stoppards utilization of satire and drawn parallels mirror the image of lifes faults and intricacies. His plays serve to show people the humor and irony that life presents. During the time that Stoppard wrote his first play, Rosencrantz and Guildenstein, society was experiencing a social upheaval. The late sixties was a time of experimentation and existentialism. People were asking questions about their very existence in a way never before seen. In this climate, Stoppard saw the opportunity to begin writing plays that dealt with the issues of the time (Overview of Tom Stoppard). He took a whimsical spin though, on the method in which he delivered it. He embarked on the continuing journey of a great literary tradition, but diverged from its path by ridiculing it. His desire to write plays was not a spontaneous venture; during this era, many people wanted to express their thoughts and feelings, and plays were a common medium. Stoppard observed this and pondered if success and knowledge could be his as well. The general question being asked around this time was Why are we here? Man has always sought an answer to this question, but now more than ever was it expressed in literature and plays. Stoppards craft shows a propensity for humor, which offers a more light-hearted viewpoint of this previously serious and mundane subject. Stoppard asks the question of not only Why are we here? but also How are we here? as well. He explores the intricacies of life in an attempt to derive a meaning. His comical touch alleviates the heavy association of philosophy though. Whether or not his question is answered is secondary to the method in which we view it. In Stoppards eyes, it is more important to live rather than to comprehend why we live. This approach brought fanfare to Stoppard, as society saw his style as fresh; and a tangible device to which they could relate. Literary history has had a heavy impact on Stoppards method and conceptual presentation. He admits to being swooned by such masterpieces as Waiting for Godot by Samuel Beckett, and The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufock by T. S. Elliot. The ideas that he extracted from these artists and their works helped him divulge his own style to which he could further literature. A parallel may be drawn between Waiting for Godot and Stoppards Rosencrantz and Guildenstein are Dead. Both works feature two men, and their journey in existentialism. Becketts version has them waiting for a surreal character (Godot) that, in the end, never appears. The characters are portrayed as confused, and the play takes on an air of severe depression. The play is very much an appeal to the audience, as they too are overcome by this depression. The characters slowly fade away, emotionless and unexcitable. Stoppards version though has his characters embark on a journey; a fruitless journey, but a goal to meet none the less. Beckett disarms his audience, while Stoppard embraces them into his play; making the audience feel at home and comfortable. Stoppard diffuses the rather heavy atmosphere belied by Beckett with satire and a whimsical wit. For example, In Rosencrantz and Guildenstein are Dead, Stoppard portrays the idea of death as a game. He does this in an attempt to show the audience that it is not to be feared. He achieves this by his satirical depiction of the internal play within Hamlet by Shakespeare. The characters in the play perish, and then the actual characters die in the exact same manner. The audience can identify with death, as all humans are concerned with their own demise. They take away though, a much less serious approach in viewing it. The other author, Elliot, often depicted his characters as stumbling and indecisive. One of his most famous works, The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock, deals with a man who is enamored with the variables and uncertainties of approaching a woman that he admires. In the poem, Prufrock realizes that only he cares about his decision, and whether he chooses to pursue her or not, will not matter. He sees himself as part of his own world; in which he is the sole occupant. He, sadly, is only coherent enough in his world though to realize how much he is potentially missing by not being completely immersed in it. He cannot solve this problem though, and continues wandering and pondering till the end of time. Stoppard took away from Elliot a similar stance to character development. He portrays his characters as aware, but not completely in tune with their surroundings. The effect is one of dismay, but comical as well. Stoppards portrayal is more humorous in nature, displaying them as bungling and unresponsive. This is exemplified in his play, Rosencrantz and Guildenstein are Dead. His characters attempt to divulge the plan and their purpose as designated by the King (Claudius), but are unable to fully grasp its meaning. These literary greats do not contribute the fabulous humor that Stoppard has developed though. His humorous elements can best be equated to his passion for the Theatre of the Absurd. This type of theater came into popularity during the 1950s and 1960s; and was applied to plays that portrayed the human situation without purpose and with absurd plot elements. This form was a reemergence of an attempt towards awareness of mans purpose in life; the sense of wonder that man has always had concerning how things work and why. In some respect, it was anti-theater, as it went against the basic premise of regular theater. It was illogical and usually had very little or no plot (Culik). Stoppards fascination with this art form had a profound impact on his own personal style. Sigmund Freud, a proponent of the Absurd, said, In trying to burst the bounds of logic and language, the absurd theater is trying to shatter the enclosing walls of the human condition itself. (Culik) This confirms the spatial concepts that the theater was attempting to portray, and Stoppards comedic element is based upon this illogical and removed nature. The play Rosencrantz and Guildenstein are Dead is a satirical look upon the much more staunch play Hamlet. It delves into the lives of two supporting characters named Rosencrantz and Guildenstein. The characters unimportance is exemplified in the play by their lack of understanding and baffling thought patterns. This play shows Stoppards portrayal of artificiality of theater. The performance is not about the actual play, but the context of the play; the idea of attending the performance. The characters appeal directly to the audience, instead of becoming immersed in its story and plot. The effect is comical, as the play begins with them merely spinning coins and making bizarre implications towards the audience. Rosencrantz has spun the coin and received heads nearly 85 times. His humorous portrayal of the law of averages is his justification for his luck. This is the plays first look into why things happen. The characters are unable to come to a proper conclusion though; and the path that Rosencrantz begins upon (the law of averages) cannot be farther removed from the truth. The play continues with these hilarious situations, finally having the pair receive their mission from Claudius the King. The pair ponders why they have received the mission, and why they must complete it. Stoppard constantly asserts that a play is being read. ; instead of allowing the reader to delve into a story. He makes the reader think of Hamlet, and its tragic implications; and applies a humorous tone to it. In the end of the play, Rosencrantz and Guildenstein are supposedly murdered (the English king is instructed to execute them, but their actual deaths are not witnessed), but instead of a grand exit, they merely fade away. Stoppard shows through this that the characters had served only a menial and insignificant purpose. The reader is unable to sympathize with the characters demise, as the play is portrayed with a comical tone. This disservice to death with satire is both eye widening and thought provoking. A person is assaulted with the moral implications of death, instead of offering a deaf sympathy to the characters grief. Stoppards ability to allow the playgoers to analyze what they feel is his greatest achievement in the work; not the story itself. Stoppards play Arcadia is another intelligent play that provokes the reader to appraise mans life long debacles. In the play, the characters attempt to grasp the mysteries of sex, and a path towards knowledge that leads to an understanding of the future. The latter is portrayed as an equation developed by Thomasina, in an attempt to control her own destiny. Her professor, Septimus, also contributes to the equation by way of a lesson to his student, Thomasina. He explains to her that the loss of knowledge isnt the end of the world; as it is rediscovered eventually in the future. This subject is an explanation of humanitys technological progression and our knowledge. The play attempts to allow the reader to grasp the many unknown or misunderstood concepts in life. Mysteries such as sex can only be acquired through practice and progression of time. Stoppard appeals to the general public that things cannot be instantly understood; they must be studied and experimented with to fully grasp the full meaning. These mysteries will eventually be solved, but it shall take time and patience; nothing is instantaneous in life. Stoppards inclusion of Thomasinas equation is both humorous and practical in its implication. Thomasinas goal was to create an equation that could more or less tell the future. It is humorous to surmise that a simple equation can predict the future with numbers. The limitless variables and uncertainties in life will forever impede such an advancement. Stoppard attempts to explain that life itself is intangible; it can neither be predicted nor reduced to a simple equation. Stoppards plays contain many useful outlooks on how a person should view their life on earth. People are always concerned with the future and their own death (and when it will occur). Stoppard believes that man shouldnt view life with such a critical eye; and instead should accept certain facts to be true. Man is powerless concerning the ability to control life. There are many uncertainties in life that are both humorous and infinitely escapable to the human mind. His plays show inept characters driven into the ground by their consumption of the study of life. Stoppard suggests through his characters comical adventures that life is for living, and the consequence of a life spent longing and pondering equates to a life disenfranchised of pulp and meaning. The meaning which man longs for cannot be quantified; it must be experienced to break the surface of significance. Works Cited Stoppard, Tom. Arcadia. Stoppard, Tom. Rosencrantz and Guildenstern Are Dead. Tom Stoppard. DISCovering Biography. Online Edition. Gale, 2003. Student Resource Center. Thomson Gale. 17 January 2005Â  http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/SRC

Irish Troubles Political Cartoons: An Analysis

Irish Troubles Political Cartoons: An Analysis The political cartoons about the Irish troubles drawn by a number of prominent cartoonists in the early 1970s differed sharply from the cartoons produced by artists during the peace process in the 1990s. Arguably this could be down to a number of factors. Firstly, cartoonists in the 1970s were much more likely to attack specific groups of people – the Irish themselves have been targets of British supremacist derision for several hundred years, and have been depicted in a derogatory light in cartoons since cartoons were first printed. Second, the situation was considerably more grave in the 1970s than it was in the 1990s – although the IRA were still established and effective in the 1990s, the 1970s saw the most bloodshed, and therefore, it must have been very difficult to perceive what was a complex and (to some) ridiculous situation in Ireland without knocking the Irish for propagating and sustaining this idea of religious sectarianism. The complex political situation in Ireland that had arisen as a result of four hundred years of religious complexity between the dominant British Protestant landowners, who held the political reins, and the oppressed Irish Catholics, ultimately had a great impact on the British interpretation of the Irish throughout the generations, and also upon the representation of the English in Irish journalistic literature and art. Thus, a particular view of the Irish came to be represented in the British media, which tended to emerge whenever there were specific troubles within Ireland or else among the Irish in Britain. These stereotypes, especially of the Irish, can be said to be at their most potent during the time of the political troubles in Ireland. The resultant swathe of political cartoons that were printed on a regular basis in the daily newspapers in both Ireland and Britain, particularly during the political unrest and violence of the early 1970s, tended to push the Irish into a subcategory of their own, denied of their identity as autonomous individuals, subjected and represented by a more dominant political force, namely, the English. The history of the cartoon in respect of this tradition of Irish caricaturing is interesting, as it reveals a rich history of treating the Irishman as a figure of derision and ridicule – however, it is more interesting to note that this figure changed throughout the years and, especially with the increase of militancy among the grass-roots of Irish working class communities, saw the emergence of the cartoon depiction of the Irishman as a simian, bestial, uncivilised caricature, often wielding knifes and other implements, and driven by a fervid passion to kill, much like zombies from a horror film. The history of political cartoons goes back to the eighteenth century. However, technological developments in photography changed the nature of cartoons at the turn of the century, in many ways shaping the type of cartoon we see in newspapers nowadays: Fitzgerald, in Art and Politics (1973) argues that: â€Å"[The photograph] simply replicated the surface structure of life; it did not normally give it a depth of interpretation or meaning.† Thus, the photograph didnt entirely remove the need for the political cartoon, and in a sense, established the medium of the cartoon as a more biting representation of political and social malaises: â€Å"The political cartoon on the other hand sought to disrupt daily life, to make jokes and stage whispers and asides at the process if everyday life. [] The political cartoon was by its nature more subversive [than the photograph].† So, the nature of the political cartoon is to satirize and to comment upon, using visual imagery and caricature, the complexities of the cartoonists imagination / ideological persuasions. The effect of satirising political situations, and the placing of topical events into the medium of the cartoon, at least according to the cartoonists themselves, is largely arbitrary in its effect on the population: â€Å"Measuring the extent of the cartoonists influence on public opinion is a much more difficult, if not impossible task. [] Many cartoonists are [] dubious about its power.† Conversely, however, governments have always stepped in to control the production and the distribution of subversive cartoons. This suggests that they do possess a certain amount of impact when discussing or lampooning political leaders and people of significance: â€Å"French caricaturists of the 1830s who dared mock King Louis Philippe were fined and imprisoned; New York cartoonists criticisms of municipal corruption prompted government officials to attempt to pass an anti-cartoon law in 1897; and even in the modern era, when political cartoonists are prizes rather than prison sentences, satirists in totalitarian states have suffered harsh censure.† Indeed, some of the more subversive work of cartoonists have frequently stirred up controversy, especially concerning the representation of the Irish in British cartoons. In â€Å"The Irish†, by cartoonist for the Evening Standard, JAK, the representation of the Irish caused controversy that, with Ken Livingstones recent â€Å"Nazi† comments about the Evening Standard, continues to plague the political scene today: â€Å"none can excuse the fact that [The Irish] represents one of the most appalling examples of anti-Irish cartoon racism since the Victorian era. [] As a result of complaints made by many people in Britain, the Greater London Council, under its leader Ken Livingstone, withdrew its advertising from the Standard and demanded a full apology, which was refused.† The cartoon itself equates the Irish with death and barbarism, with the words: â€Å"The Ultimate in Psychopathic Horror: The Irish†. Although angered by the IRA bombings and the killing of innocents, this inability to describe the political complexities of the Irish, reducing them instead to a monstrous racial stereotype, not altogether unique in the cartoons of the time, tends to simplify, and thus promote Irish resentment during the period. However, in the second period I will be discussing in this piece, namely the late 1990s, the cartoons drawn by people like Martyn Turner during the peace process of the John Major and Tony Blair governments differ wildly from this tendency to demonise and / or denigrate the entire nation of Ireland – instead the cartoonists eye is drawn to subversive representations of the bureaucracy and the players within that complex and impenetrable political chess game that the Irish peace process became in the eyes of the public. The cartoons drawn, generally, seem less provoked by Irish or British resentment, and more represent a more benign form of political satire, that being the politics of government rather than the (sometimes militaristic) persuasions of the Irish population. The crude and hurtful Irish stereotype as barbaric, brutish and stupid are discarded – instead, the governmental players are the main focus for the satirists eye. There was a period in the early 1970s when an impending civil war in Ireland seemed inevitable, with clashes between British paramilitary and Loyalist groups in a state of near-war. â€Å"A number of paramilitary organisations were formed in Protestant working-class areas to counter-balance the activities of the Provisionals and carry out attacks on Catholic areas. As the IRA increased its campaign of shootings and bombings, 1972 became the most violent year of the Troubles with 467 deaths in Northern Ireland, 321 of which were civilian casualties.† The work of the cartoonists of the period assumed a similarly grave and polemical nature, as often the caricaturists and the cartoonists of the period would be divided between Catholic / Protestant, as well as down British / Irish lines. The problems with British intervention as â€Å"peacekeepers† culminated in the â€Å"Bloody Sunday† massacre of 30 January 1972, where British troops opened fire on unarmed catholic protesters: â€Å"It was in January 1972 that the British Army shot and killed thirteen civilians in Derry, writing another disaster into Anglo-Irish history. Bloody Sunday, as it was called, was commemorated twenty years later in 1992 with bitterness and anger.† The representation of the British paramilitary presence in Ireland divided cartoonists, and the culmination of the supposed folly of British intervention in Northern Ireland reached boiling point with Bloody Sunday. Thus, politics and ideology in 1970s reached such a stage that generalisation and ignorance about the Irish situation abounded, signalling a return to the grotesque caricaturing seen in Punch in Victorian times. The political complexities, difficult as they were to sum up in a simple argument, were thus heavily simplified by a number of British cartoonists, and this gross simplification often led to the demonisation of the Irish as a whole. This is demonstrated by both the cartoons of Cummings and in the highly controversial cartoon, â€Å"The Irish†, printed in the Evening Standard, in which all Irish citizens are tarred with the same brush. Again this differs greatly from the work of Martyn Turner, who I will focus on in greater depth; his cartoons are steeped in the complexities of the Irish situation, the bureaucratic and political turmoil of the Irish peace process in the 1990s, and its eventual resolution in a ceasefire. Thus, the body of Martyn Turners work in a sense tells us how the political cartoon, especially the market for this particular brand of political cartoon has changed from representing the opinion of the ignorant masses, to enlightening and stimulating an informed few. Martyn Turner strays away from the traditions of social stereotyping, choosing instead to focus on the political bureaucracy and its many players. His cartoons are effective on a number of distinct levels, and his work is predominantly concerned with satirizing political institutions and their players, rather than making sweeping and hurtful gestures about a whole group of people. Especially from the overtly racist work of the 1970s, we see a resurgence of the Irishman as a simian stereotype, who is either drawn to carnage and violence, or else is too stupid to conduct his own affairs with any degree of control. In Cummings work of the early 1970s, we see the Irish represented as racial stereotypes. In this dissertation, I will look firstly at the development of this stereotype, how it developed from an idealised representation of Ireland in the 18th century, to the myth of stupid, impulsive, apelike creatures in publications such as Punch in the mid-nineteenth century. From this I will then turn to representations of the Irish (and of the British involvement in Ireland) in the 1970s, looking especially at pieces of work that explicitly and blatantly attack Irish culture, using a stereotype that is both broadly racist, the only effect of which is to emphasise the lack of understanding and the bigotry in which a great swathe of British citizenry lived. History of Stereotypes in Cartoons James Gillray (1757-1815) is widely reputed as being the first great British cartoonist. In his work, the notion of the Irish as simian tends to prevail, and they, along with the French, are seen as barbaric, stupid, tokens of â€Å"otherness† that one tends to associate with any representation of a minority and / or, a barbaric outsider. In â€Å"United Irishmen upon Duty†, printed on 12 June 1798, Gillray attacks the dissident Irishmen: â€Å"It depicts the rebel United Irishmen as mere agents of destruction and pillage, without political or moral principles. [] The cartoon is one of several in which Gillray simianises the belligerent Irish.† Thus, the reduction of the Irish to bestial stereotypes has a long history, that frequently makes a return whenever there is a reason for projecting hatred or condescension onto the Irish nation. In â€Å"Paddy on Horseback†, Gillray encapsulates the view of the Irish as stupid. In the picture, the Irishman has unkempt hair and a protruding jaw, however, he still possesses human, rather than simian features: OConnor suggests that: â€Å"The early cartoons from the 18th century are openly racist, portraying the Irish as ignorant peasants barefoot, ragged and thick.† Indeed, the image of the Irishman as a figure to poke fun at, and to label as the typical â€Å"fool† of caricature continues in a rich vein in British cartoons dating from this period. Slightly later, George Cruikshank uses the Irish to poke fun at. In â€Å"The Two Irish Labourers†, which features two Irishmen climbing a ladder and getting mixed up, â€Å"George Cruikshank [] illustrates the antiquity of the English view of the Irish as objects of laughter and derision.† This cartoon isnt political in its persuasion, but merely points out that, traditionally, and as the millions of jokes and put-downs featuring Irishmen in the punchline, the Irish could be used effectively to represent a typical stupid or ignorant person, who gets things mixed up or wrong. Thus, the re-emergence of these traditional Irish representations in the 1970s, when contextualised in a rich history of Irish racism, isnt particularly surprising. Punch magazine, published in the 1840s, became widely famous for its derogatory representation of the Irish as silly, warmongering, and ignorant, and signalled another re-emergence of this historical Irish stereotype, this time, and thanks to the scientific identification of racial stereotypes, the Irishman became more linked to representations of the Negro in mass art than to the civilised, aristocratic Brit. Thus, in Harpers weekly in 1898, the Negro, with protruding jaw, upturned nose and large eyes, according to this very subjective illustration, actually equates the perception of the Irishman with the perception of the Negro. By contrast, the profile of an â€Å"Anglo-Teutonic† appears in the centre, and, with long nose, strong jawline and fairer hair, appears less simian in appearance. This representation of the Irishman as a Negro, who is frequently seen as being untrustworthy, rapacious and animalistic in persuasion, is resurrected by a number of cartoonists in the 1970s as an ideal way of explaining, or at least glossing over the complex nature of the Irish situation. In â€Å"What was so marvellous† by Cummings, he represents the current political situation in Ireland as a n exercise in British colonialism. Edward Heath and, then Home Secretary Reginald Maudling sit at a desk with a soldier on top of a map of Ireland. In the background, a soldier is seen walking through India, Cyprus, Kenya and Malaya. The caption underneath reads: â€Å"What was so marvellous about the rest of the British Commonwealth was that we could always leave it.† The superiority with which Cummings regards Britain in relation to Ireland is striking, insofar as it essentially depicts Ireland as a dispossessed, colonized country, and glosses over the significant problems that the presence of British troops in Ireland actually caused. Of course, this view has some historical significance. The governing elite in Ireland following the invasion in 1690 laid the foundations for a Protestant Ireland for nearly two centuries, and those in charge of Irish affairs were essentially protestants descended from English colonialists, using parliament to enact stifling and repressive legislation against the catholics, which culminated in removing the right for catholics to own land. This of course led up to the potato famine, which killed millions. Thus, the colonialist implications of Cummings cartoon flippantly portrays a reality in a fairly hurtful and bitter way. In Apes and Angels, an overview of how the caricature developed in British cartooning, Curtis Jr. suggests that: â€Å"During the first two-thirds of the nineteenth century the stereotypical Paddy or Teague of English cartoon and caricature underwent a significant change. In sharp contrast to the regular, even handsome features of the wild Irishman or woodkern of the Elizabethan and early Stuart period, such as may be found in abundance in John Derrickes The Image of Irelande, with a discoverie of Woodkarne, first published in 1581, and different too, from the brutish, slovenly faces of Irish peasants appearing in prints dating from the reign of George III, the dominant Victorian stereotype of Paddy looked far more like an ape than a man.† This reduction of the Irishman to animal is one that begins to return sporadically when the political situation gets grave once again in the 1970s. In these cartoons, often the complexity of the political situation is whitewashed, or else no attempt whatsoever is made to describe the Irish problem in terms of satire or a representation of different sectors of Irish society: conveniently, the Irish are placed into one single melting-pot, with no distinction or difference made between Catholicism, Protestantism, or of any of the different groups or classes that were at play in the turmoil that led up to bloody Sunday. Curtis Jr. suggests that the sudden stereotyping of the Irish may have been as a result of politics of a different type – namely, immigration: â€Å"There was nothing specifically Irish about a projecting lower jaw until the 1840s, when thousands of Irish immigrants were pouring into England and Scotland, most of them destitute and many of them diseased.† So, much like modern views and prejudices surrounding asylum seekers, as well as Jews in the 1930s, the right-wing presses also found their target in Victorian times, namely, the Irish. This introduction of class into the issue adds another level of complexity to the issue. Often, the fighting Irishmen are seen crammed together into terrace houses, itself a sign of working-class life and a form of living regarded by the more middle-class newspapers as being inherently intolerable, just as their barbarity was regarded as stupid, brash and ignorant in Victorian issues of Punch. Thus, Curtis Jr., says that â€Å"The antecedents of this stereotype were just as widespread as the conviction in England and Scotland that the Irish were inherently inferior and quite unfit t o manage their own affairs.† Indeed, the superimposition of ideas onto the Irish is in itself exacerbated by the caricaturing of the entirity of the Irish race, essentially robbing them of the individuality of their own voices and subsequently their own autonomy. Punch magazine spearheaded a movement to caricature and derogate the Irish in cartoons: â€Å"it soon became clear that Irishmen, in particular the more politicized among then, were the favourite target of both writers and cartoonists. Marion H. Spielmann, the chronicler of Punch, wrote that the comic weekly acquired a reputation for being anti-Irish during and after the 1850s.† An example of this anti-Irish sentiment can be found in John Leechs â€Å"Young Ireland in Business for Himself† (August 22, 1846), in which a grotesque monster sells blunderbusss next to the sign â€Å"pretty little pistols for pretty little children.† Thus, we are given the preconception that the Irish are violent, stupid and ugly. In John Tenniels â€Å"The Irish Frankenstein†, a sophisticated, British man tries to stave off a giant beast holding a bloodied knife. Thus, the bestial, simian qualities of the caricature emerge. This is especially pointed when the Irishman begins to demand autonomy: â€Å"When Irishman turned to political agitation and began to demand an end to British rule, then Punch changed his tune, and, according to Spielmann, the artists began to picture the Irish political outrage-mongering peasant as a cross between a garrotter and a gorilla.† Thus, perhaps the simionisation of the Irish stereotype is more as a result of the politicisation of the Irish working-class, which presumably the British cartoonist, especially one working for Punch, a deeply conservative publication, would feel threatened by. Thus, we have to also consider notions of class, as well as racial stereotyping: â€Å"The only Celt to be flattered and admired by Punchs cartoonists was Hibernia, the intensely feminine symbol of Ireland, whose haunting beauty conveyed some of the sufferings of the Irish people. In The Fenian-Pest, published in Punch on March 3, 1866, Hibernia turns to her sister, Brittania as a grotesque, derogatory rendition of an Irishman peers at her with animalistic desire. Wallach suggests that: â€Å"Tenniel, depicts the rebellious Irishmen, those troublesome people, as ape-like and unkempt. The main Irish character glares menacingly at Britannia, with his mouth agape and a sword-like weapon partially concealed under his coat. Behind him are other Fenians, chaotically amassed and presumably anxious to make trouble. Here the stereotype of Irishmen as violent, simian and disorganized reveals itself.† Indeed it is interesting the Hibernia, the only character that is celebrated in Punch, or at least not attacked on grounds of racial profiling, is one that is divorced from the traditionally masculine realm of political persuasion. In this particular cartoon, she is seen in the pose of desperately running from the Irish monster, and this traditional of derogation of the Irishman, especially the politicised Irishman, continues throughout history, making a controversial reappearance during the political conflicts of the 1970s. Cummings, who drew cartoons in the 1970s for the Daily Express, uses similar prejudices to generate humour in a situation regarded by the British as increasingly confused. In â€Å"Were pagan missionaries†, Cummings depicts a group of pagans, coming over the sea and saving the Irish from their imminent self-destruction. The caption at the bottom reads: â€Å"Were Pagan missionaries come to try and make peace among the bloodthirsty Christians.† The Irishmen are shown crammed together, on the opposite sides of a terrace block, and details include a lop-sided dustbin, and a sign in the middle of the street, reading: â€Å"Cage: To keep the wild animals apart.† Again we return to the generally held perception of Irishmen as a race of sub-human animals: â€Å"The Cummings cartoon reflects this British incomprehension in its depiction of primitive tribesmen arriving to reconcile the barbarous Irish, who seem intent on tearing each other apart. The racist implication is that black, presumably African, tribesmen are more civilised than the Christian Northern Irish, who have now slipped below even primitive pagans in their innate barbarity.† Thus, Cummings seems to extract his political humour mainly from the use of stereotype and conceptions of otherness. The British army is seen ironically as a pagan tribe, which obviously alludes to the primitive tribes that the Britishers colonised in the past. Therefore, the Irish are depicted as being even more primitive than this. Cummings cartoon ideas are steeped in the long tradition of pompous anti-Irish cartoons and jokes. â€Å"The cartoon [] reinforces stereotypical notions of the Irish as violent and blacks as primitive, and makes no attempt to convey any understanding of the underlying causes of conflict other than religious bigotry.† This is a reflection of a commonly held view about the political situation in Ireland. It seemed baffling to some of the British that two essentially Christian religions should be fighting, and the cartoons by Cummings highlights this innate superiority that the British has by portraying itself as heroes in trying to resolve the Irish conflict. Similarly, Cummings sides again with the British army in â€Å"How Marvellous it would be†, printed in the Daily Express, on 12 August 1970. Cummings naively treats the British influence in Ireland as completely benign. A beaten up solider stands between two monsters, one of which is wearing a t-shirt called â€Å"Ulster Catholics†, the other called â€Å"Ulster Protestants†. They run for each other, as the soldier, more diminutive in presence and, in case we didnt know his nationality, sports a Union Jack on his forehead. Over his head towers a plethora of miscellany – socks, broken bottles and rocks again, the two warring factions are apelike, bestial and violent in nature. The caption underneath reads â€Å"How marvellous it would be if they DID knock each other insensible!†. Thus, the patronising and condescending nature of the cartoon asserts itself more. â€Å"The implication underlying both cartoons is that the irrational nature of the Irish question can only be explained through some form of racial madness.† Indeed, the racial implications, coupled with the inability, or reluctance to try and articulate and represent the complexities of the Irish situation in an easily digestible format, assists in depriving Ireland of a voice – of seeing Ireland and the Irish as a colonised island, once more exacerbating catholic (and protestant – the shifting of parliament to Westminster had the effect of causing offence to both Unionists and building support in working class catholic areas for the I.R.A.) tensions; furthermore adding support to the notion that Britain was indeed an occupying force in Ireland, and that the only means from which the British could be removed from Ireland was through paramilitary force. Cummings later said that the IRAs violence â€Å"make them look like apes – though thats rather hard luck on the apes.† Of course, Cummings views on the IRA, their uses of violence and barbarism would never be particularly popular, but Cummings doesnt even try to consider their opinions, and lowers himself instead to racial stereotyping and bigotry. The cartoon by Cummings is rendered especially naà ¯ve by the events of Bloody Sunday. Of course, this stereotype has been resurrected many times since the 18th century, but, during Victorian times something in particular happened to the representation of the Irishman. According to Douglas, R., et al.: â€Å"The equation between militant Irish nationalism and a savage bestial nature achieved its apogee [] in the Punch cartoons of the Victorian era.† And this bestial nature was resurrected whenever war or conflict required an easily categorised and common enemy. Certainly the most politically controversial cartoon drawn during the Anglo-Irish conflict was â€Å"The Irish† by JAK, for the Evening Standard on 29 October 1982. In it, a bystander is seen looking at an enormous billboard poster. It says: â€Å"Emerald Isle snuff movies present the ultimate in psychopathic horror†, then in enormous letters underneath, â€Å"The Irish†. The image seems designed to both shock and to reinforce the traditional stereotype of the Irish as bestial and bloodthirsty. A horde of Irish stereotypes, bloated and bestial, wielding daggers, drills, dynamite, saws and other crude forms of weaponry all fight in a orgiastic frenzy over a hill of graves. The caption underneath on the poster says: â€Å"Featuring the I.R.A., I.N.L.A., U.D.F., P.F.F., U.D.A., etc. etc.†. Thus, every political group of every political persuasion is placed under the same violent and caricatured image of Irish barbarity. It is apparent that the cartoon would be controversial. â€Å"The Irish, featuring a cast of degenerate nationalist and loyalist paramilitaries, whose initials appear at the bottom of the poster. Not only is there no attempt to explain Irish political complexities or distinguish between different paramilitary groups, the cartoonist irresponsibly homogenises the Irish as a race of psychopathic monsters who delight in violence and bloodshed.† The political reaction to this cartoon had far-reaching implications, and the Evening Standard had advertising money cut from London Council, then headed by Ken Livingstone, if a full apology wasnt issued, which wasnt. It is apparent that the power of the cartoon to shock and to provoke resonates profoundly through political circles, certainly as regards the more overtly racist images of Irish paramilitary groups, that depict an Irish nation that is both stupid, confused, poor and drawn genetically to acts of barbarity and violence. â€Å"One notable feature of some British cartoons about the troubles is their tendency to resurrect the simian stereotype to present a view of republican and loyalist paramilitaries as sub-human psychopaths, a feature which merely served to perpetuate British ignorance and misunderstanding of the complex nature of the conflict.† Indeed, ignorance of the complexities of the political situation in Ireland, indeed, an absolute denial of the British influence and the disruption in Ireland, led to strengthening the anti-Irish fervour, and many cartoonists that used this idea for a cheap joke, may have done unnecessary harm to the establishment of peace among Loyalists, and the Irish in general already racked with anti-British tension. Although the cartoon cannot be justified entirely, it can certainly be contextualised by the political situation at the time the cartoon appeared: â€Å"[The Irish] appeared at a time when paramilitary violence showed no sign of abating and when Anglo-Irish relations were still strained as a result of the southern governments neutral attitude towards Britain during the Falklands war. In July, two IRA bombs in London had killed eight people and injured over fifty others.† Indeed, it is interesting that, when political and social situations are most strained, the simian stereotype re-emerges in cartoons. Overall, the simianisation of the Irish in cartoons has had a long historical legacy that dates back as far as the history of the political cartoon itself. In a situation of conflict, especially considering the supposed lack of knowledge surrounding the Irish situation in the 1970s, many of the cartoons represent this tendency towards returning to the historical stereotype of the Irish as bestial, monstrous sub-human, whose thirst for blood remains intrinsically linked to the racial characteristics of the people. The representation of the British presence in Ireland, especially with the work of Cummings, and JAK, is seen in turns as a fruitless endeavour designed to bring peace to a nation that stubbornly clings to the historical notion of religious difference, or else are innately drawn to barbarity. Although these were not the only cartoons represented at the time, and there were some more sympathetic representations of the Irish situation, that tried to explain in pictures and simple captions the complexity of a political situation in Ireland, this return to the overtly, explicitly racist was definitely a theme in the 1970s cartoons, and served either to reflect the general confusion prevalent at the time concerning the troubles in Ireland, or else exacerbated this confounded hostility towards the Irish in general that certain sections of the British population must have felt. Political Representations of the 1970s Crisis in Ireland The Irish representations of the conflict differ insofar as they offer the viewer of the cartoon a more balanced, albeit anti-British view of the political conflict during the crisis. Gerald Scarfe provides a more sensitive body of work than what was usual in the British press during the time of the political troubles in Ireland. In â€Å"Untitled†, printed in the Sunday Times on 14 March 1971, blood runs into a lake from three graves on a hill, there to represent the deaths of three soldiers, two of which were lured into a pub and killed by the provisional I.R.A., the militant arm of the I.R.A. A crack in the dam pours blood onto a peaceful community, and provides another perspective on the Irish troubles in the 1970s that go beyond that of stereotype, confusion and resentment, instead providing a sympathetic and tender view of the events. Indeed, the representation of the political struggles at the time, in cartoons could be both chillingly regressive, and inspired – of course, the Irish conflict polarised opinion, insofar as the lines could be drawn down difference between the British and the Irish, or else Protestant and Catholic fronts. This tendency to promote one particular view of the events highlights the struggle that cartoonists must have found when trying to find humour beyond the resentment and the anger at both the violence, which some people, especially in Britain, saw as unnecessary, and a particularly